Abraham Lincoln
July 6, 1852 Eulogy on Henry Clay חJuly 6, 1852 Eulogy on Henry Clay
1 א

 Honors To Henry ClayOn the fourth day of July, 1776, the people of a few feeble and oppressed colonies of Great Britain, inhabiting a portion of the Atlantic coast of North America, publicly declared their national independence, and made their appeal to the justice of their cause, and to the God of battles, for the maintainance of that declaration.

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That people were few in numbers, and without resources, save only their own wise heads and stout hearts.

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Within the first year of that declared independence, and while its maintainance was yet problematical---while the bloody struggle between those resolute rebels, and their haughty would-be-masters, was still waging, of undistinguished parents, and in an obscure district of one of those colonies, Henry Clay was born.

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The infant nation, and the infant child began the race of life together.

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For three quarters of a century they have travelled hand in hand.

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They have been companions ever.

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The nation has passed its perils, and is free, prosperous, and powerful.

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The child has reached his manhood, his middle age, his old age, and is dead.

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In all that has concerned the nation the man ever sympathised; and now the nation mourns for the man.The day after his death, one of the public Journals, opposed to him politically, held the following pathetic and beautiful language, which I adopt, partly because such high and exclusive eulogy, originating with a political friend, might offend good taste, but chiefly, because I could not, in any language of my own, so well express my thoughts---"Alas! who can realize that Henry Clay is dead! Who can realize that never again that majestic form shall rise in the council-chambers of his country to beat back the storms of anarchy which may threaten, or pour the oil of peace upon the troubled billows as they rage and menace around? Who can realize, that the workings of that mighty mind have ceased---that the throbbings of that gallant heart are stilled---that the mighty sweep of that graceful arm will be felt no more, and the magic of that eloquent tongue, which spake as spake no other tongue besides, hushed---hushed forever! Who can realize that freedom's champion---the champion of a civilized world, and of all tongues and kindreds and people, has indeed fallen! Alas, in those dark hours, which, as they come in the history of all nations, must come in ours---those hours of peril and dread which our land has experienced, and which she may be called to experience again---to whom now may her people look up for that council [counsel] and advice, which only wisdom and experience and patriotism can give, and which only the undoubting confidence of a nation will receive? Perchance, in the whole circle of the great and gifted of our land, there remains but one on whose shoulders the mighty mantle of the departed statesman may fall---one, while we now write, is doubtless pouring his tears over the bier of his brother and his friend---brother, friend ever, yet in political sentiment, as far apart as party could make them.

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Ah, it is at times like these, that the petty distinctions of mere party disappear.

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We see only the great, the grand, the noble features of the departed statesman; and we do not even beg permission to bow at his feet and mingle our tears with those who have ever been his political adherents---we do [not?] beg this permission---we claim it as a right, though we feel it as a privilege.

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Henry Clay belonged to his country---to the world, mere party cannot claim men like him.

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His career has been national---his fame has filled the earth---his memory will endure to `the last syllable of recorded time.'"Henry Clay is dead!---He breathed his last on yesterday at twenty minutes after eleven, in his chamber at Washington.

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To those who followed his lead in public affairs, it more appropriately belongs to pronounce his eulogy, and pay specific honors to the memory of the illustrious dead---but all Americans may show the grief which his death inspires, for, his character and fame are national property.

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As on a question of liberty, he knew no North, no South, no East, no West, but only the Union, which held them all in its sacred circle, so now his countrymen will know no grief, that is not as wide-spread as the bounds of the confederacy.

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The career of Henry Clay was a public career.

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From his youth he has been devoted to the public service, at a period too, in the world's history justly regarded as a remarkable era in human affairs.

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He witnessed in the beginning the throes of the French Revolution.

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He saw the rise and fall of Napoleon.

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He was called upon to legislate for America, and direct her policy when all Europe was the battle-field of contending dynasties, and when the struggle for supremacy imperilled the rights of all neutral nations.

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His voice, spoke war and peace in the contest with Great Britain."When Greece rose against the Turks and struck for liberty, his name was mingled with the battle-cry of freedom.

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When South America threw off the thraldom of Spain, his speeches were read at the head of her armies by Bolivar.

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His name has been, and will continue to be, hallowed in two hemispheres, for it is---`One of the few the immortal namesThat were not born to die,'"To the ardent patriot and profound statesman, he added a quality possessed by few of the gifted on earth.

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His eloquence has not been surpassed.

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In the effective power to move the heart of man, Clay was without an equal, and the heaven born endowment, in the spirit of its origin, has been most conspicuously exhibited against intestine feud.

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On at least three important occasions, he has quelled our civil commotions, by a power and influence, which belonged to no other statesman of his age and times.

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And in our last internal discord, when this Union trembled to its center---in old age, he left the shades of private life and gave the death blow to fraternal strife, with the vigor of his earlier years in a series of Senatorial efforts, which in themselves would bring immortality, by challenging comparison with the efforts of any statesman in any age.

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He exorcised the demon which possessed the body politic, and gave peace to a distracted land.

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Alas! the achievement cost him his life! He sank day by day to the tomb---his pale, but noble brow, bound with a triple wreath, put there by a grateful country.

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May his ashes rest in peace, while his spirit goes to take its station among the great and good men who preceded him!''While it is customary, and proper, upon occasions like the present, to give a brief sketch of the life of the deceased; in the case of Mr.

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Clay, it is less necessary than most others; for his biography has been written and re-written, and read, and re-read, for the last twenty-five years; so that, with the exception of a few of the latest incidents of his life, all is as well known, as it can be.

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The short sketch which I give is, therefore merely to maintain the connection of this discourse.Henry Clay was born on the 12th of April 1777, in Hanover county, Virginia.

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Of his father, who died in the fourth or fifth year of Henry's age, little seems to be known, except that he was a respectable man, and a preacher of the baptist persuasion.

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Mr.

35 לה

Clay's education, to the end of his life, was comparatively limited.

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I say ``to the end of his life,'' because I have understood that, from time to time, he added something to his education during the greater part of his whole life.

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Mr.

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Clay's lack of a more perfect early education, however it may be regretted generally, teaches at least one profitable lesson; it teaches that in this country, one can scarcely be so poor, but that, if he will, he can acquire sufficient education to get through the world respectably.

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In his twenty-third year Mr.

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Clay was licenced to practice law, and emigrated to Lexington, Kentucky.

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Here he commenced and continued the practice till the year 1803, when he was first elected to the Kentucky Legislature.

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By successive elections he was continued in the Legislature till the latter part of 1806, when he was elected to fill a vacancy, of a single session, in the United States Senate.

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In 1807 he was again elected to the Kentucky House of Representatives, and by that body, chosen its speaker.

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In 1808 he was re-elected to the same body.

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In 1809 he was again chosen to fill a vacancy of two years in the United States Senate.

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In 1811 he was elected to the United States House of Representatives, and on the first day of taking his seat in that body, he was chosen its speaker.

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In 1813 he was again elected Speaker.

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Early in 1814, being the period of our last British war, Mr.

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Clay was sent as commissioner, with others, to negotiate a treaty of peace, which treaty was concluded in the latter part of the same year.

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On his return from Europe he was again elected to the lower branch of Congress, and on taking his seat in December 1815 was called to his old post---the speaker's chair, a position in which he was retained, by successive elections, with one brief intermission, till the inauguration of John Q.

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Adams in March 1825.

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He was then appointed Secretary of State, and occupied that important station till the inauguration of Gen.

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Jackson in March 1829.

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After this he returned to Kentucky, resumed the practice of the law, and continued it till the Autumn of 1831, when he was by the Legislature of Kentucky, again placed in the United States Senate.

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By a re-election he was continued in the Senate till he resigned his seat, and retired, in March 1842.

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In December 1849 he again took his seat in the Senate, which he again resigned only a few months before his death.By the foregoing it is perceived that the period from the beginning of Mr.

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Clay's official life, in 1803, to the end of it in 1852, is but one year short of half a century; and that the sum of all the intervals in it, will not amount to ten years.

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But mere duration of time in office, constitutes the smallest part of Mr.

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Clay's history.

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Throughout that long period, he has constantly been the most loved, and most implicitly followed by friends, and the most dreaded by opponents, of all living American politicians.

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In all the great questions which have agitated the country, and particularly in those great and fearful crises, the Missouri question---the Nullification question, and the late slavery question, as connected with the newly acquired territory, involving and endangering the stability of the Union, his has been the leading and most conspicuous part.

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In 1824 he was first a candidate for the Presidency, and was defeated; and, although he was successively defeated for the same office in 1832, and in 1844, there has never been a moment since 1824 till after 1848 when a very large portion of the American people did not cling to him with an enthusiastic hope and purpose of still elevating him to the Presidency.

63 סג

With other men, to be defeated, was to be forgotten; but to him, defeat was but a trifling incident, neither changing him, or the world's estimate of him.

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Even those of both political parties, who have been preferred to him for the highest office, have run far briefer courses than he, and left him, still shining, high in the heavens of the political world.

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Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Polk, and Taylor, all rose after, and set long before him.

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The spell---the long enduring spell---with which the souls of men were bound to him, is a miracle.

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Who can compass it? It is probably true he owed his pre-eminence to no one quality, but to a fortunate combination of several.

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He was surpassingly eloquent; but many eloquent men fail utterly; and they are not, as a class, generally successful.

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His judgment was excellent; but many men of good judgment, live and die unnoticed.

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His will was indomitable; but this quality often secures to its owner nothing better than a character for useless obstinacy.

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These then were Mr.

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Clay's leading qualities.

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No one of them is very uncommon; but all taken together are rarely combined in a single individual; and this is probably the reason why such men as Henry Clay are so rare in the world.Mr.

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Clay's eloquence did not consist, as many fine specimens of eloquence does [do], of types and figures---of antithesis, and elegant arrangement of words and sentences; but rather of that deeply earnest and impassioned tone, and manner, which can proceed only from great sincerity and a thorough conviction, in the speaker of the justice and importance of his cause.

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This it is, that truly touches the chords of human sympathy; and those who heard Mr.

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Clay, never failed to be moved by it, or ever afterwards, forgot the impression.

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All his efforts were made for practical effect.

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He never spoke merely to be heard.

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He never delivered a Fourth of July Oration, or an eulogy on an occasion like this.

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As a politician or statesman, no one was so habitually careful to avoid all sectional ground.

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Whatever he did, he did for the whole country.

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In the construction of his measures he ever carefully surveyed every part of the field, and duly weighed every conflicting interest.

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Feeling, as he did, and as the truth surely is, that the world's best hope depended on the continued Union of these States, he was ever jealous of, and watchful for, whatever might have the slightest tendency to separate them.Mr.

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Clay's predominant sentiment, from first to last, was a deep devotion to the cause of human liberty---a strong sympathy with the oppressed every where, and an ardent wish for their elevation.

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With him, this was a primary and all controlling passion.

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Subsidiary to this was the conduct of his whole life.

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He loved his country partly because it was his own country, but mostly because it was a free country; and he burned with a zeal for its advancement, prosperity and glory, because he saw in such, the advancement, prosperity and glory, of human liberty, human right and human nature.

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He desired the prosperity of his countrymen partly because they were his countrymen, but chiefly to show to the world that freemen could be prosperous.That his views and measures were always the wisest, needs not to be affirmed; nor should it be, on this occasion, where so many, thinking differently, join in doing honor to his memory.

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A free people, in times of peace and quiet---when pressed by no common danger---naturally divide into parties.

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At such times, the man who is of neither party, is not---cannot be, of any consequence.

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Mr.

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Clay, therefore, was of a party.

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Taking a prominent part, as he did, in all the great political questions of his country for the last half century, the wisdom of his course on many, is doubted and denied by a large portion of his countrymen; and of such it is not now proper to speak particularly.

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But there are many others, about his course upon which, there is little or no disagreement amongst intelligent and patriotic Americans.

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Of these last are the War of 1812, the Missouri question, Nullification, and the now recent compromise measures.

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In 1812 Mr.

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Clay, though not unknown, was still a young man.

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Whether we should go to war with Great Britain, being the question of the day, a minority opposed the declaration of war by Congress, while the majority, though apparently inclining to war, had, for years, wavered, and hesitated to act decisively.

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Meanwhile British aggressions multiplied, and grew more daring and aggravated.

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By Mr.

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Clay, more than any other man, the struggle was brought to a decision in Congress.

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The question, being now fully before congress, came up, in a variety of ways, in rapid succession, on most of which occasions Mr.

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Clay spoke.

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Adding to all the logic, of which the subject was susceptible, that noble inspiration, which came to him as it came to no other, he aroused, and nerved, and inspired his friends, and confounded and bore-down all opposition.

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Several of his speeches, on these occasions, were reported, and are still extant; but the best of these all never was.

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During its delivery the reporters forgot their vocations, dropped their pens, and sat enchanted from near the beginning to quite the close.

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The speech now lives only in the memory of a few old men; and the enthusiasm with which they cherish their recollection of it is absolutely astonishing.

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The precise language of this speech we shall never know; but we do know---we cannot help knowing, that, with deep pathos, it pleaded the cause of the injured sailor---that it invoked the genius of the revolution---that it apostrophised the names of Otis, of Henry and of Washington---that it appealed to the interest, the pride, the honor and the glory of the nation---that it shamed and taunted the timidity of friends---that it scorned, and scouted, and withered the temerity of domestic foes---that it bearded and defied the British Lion---and rising, and swelling, and maddening in its course, it sounded the onset, till the charge, the shock, the steady struggle, and the glorious victory, all passed in vivid review before the entranced hearers.Important and exciting as was the War question, of 1812, it never so alarmed the sagacious statesmen of the country for the safety of the republic, as afterwards did the Missouri question.

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This sprang from that unfortunate source of discord---negro slavery.

110 קי

When our Federal Constitution was adopted, we owned no territory beyond the limits or ownership of the states, except the territory North-West of the River Ohio, and East of the Mississippi.

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What has since been formed into the States of Maine, Kentucky, and Tennessee, was, I believe, within the limits of or owned by Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina.

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As to the North Western Territory, provision had been made, even before the adoption of the Constitution, that slavery should never go there.

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On the admission of the States into the Union carved from the territory we owned before the constitution, no question---or at most, no considerable question---arose about slavery---those which were within the limits of or owned by the old states, following, respectively, the condition of the parent state, and those within the North West territory, following the previously made provision.

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But in 1803 we purchased Louisiana of the French; and it included with much more, what has since been formed into the State of Missouri.

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With regard to it, nothing had been done to forestall the question of slavery.

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When, therefore, in 1819, Missouri, having formed a State constitution, without excluding slavery, and with slavery already actually existing within its limits, knocked at the door of the Union for admission, almost the entire representation of the non-slave-holding states, objected.

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A fearful and angry struggle instantly followed.

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This alarmed thinking men, more than any previous question, because, unlike all the former, it divided the country by geographical lines.

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Other questions had their opposing partizans in all localities of the country and in almost every family; so that no division of the Union could follow such, without a separation of friends, to quite as great an extent, as that of opponents.

120 קכ

Not so with the Missouri question.

121 קכא

On this a geographical line could be traced which, in the main, would separate opponents only.

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This was the danger.

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Mr.

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Jefferson, then in retirement wrote:``I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers, or to pay any attention to public affairs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not distant.

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But this momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened, and filled me with terror.

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I considered it at once as the knell of the Union.

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It is hushed, indeed, for the moment.

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But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence.

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A geographical line, co-inciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived, and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every irritation will mark it deeper and deeper.

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I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any practicable way.

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The cession of that kind of property, for so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought, if, in that way, a general emancipation, and expatriation could be effected; and, gradually, and with due sacrifices I think it might be.

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But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go.

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Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other.''Mr.

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Clay was in congress, and, perceiving the danger, at once engaged his whole energies to avert it.

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It began, as I have said, in 1819; and it did not terminate till 1821.

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Missouri would not yield the point; and congress---that is, a majority in congress---by repeated votes, showed a determination to not admit the state unless it should yield.

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After several failures, and great labor on the part of Mr.

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Clay to so present the question that a majority could consent to the admission, it was, by a vote, rejected, and as all seemed to think, finally.

139 קלט

A sullen gloom hung over the nation.

140 קמ

All felt that the rejection of Missouri, was equivalent to a dissolution of the Union: because those states which already had, what Missouri was rejected for refusing to relinquish, would go with Missouri.

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All deprecated and deplored this, but none saw how to avert it.

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For the judgment of Members to be convinced of the necessity of yielding, was not the whole difficulty; each had a constituency to meet, and to answer to.

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Mr.

144 קמד

Clay, though worn down, and exhausted, was appealed to by members, to renew his efforts at compromise.

145 קמה

He did so, and by some judicious modifications of his plan, coupled with laborious efforts with individual members, and his own over-mastering eloquence upon the floor, he finally secured the admission of the State.

146 קמו

Brightly, and captivating as it had previously shown, it was now perceived that his great eloquence, was a mere embellishment, or, at most, but a helping hand to his inventive genius, and his devotion to his country in the day of her extreme peril.After the settlement of the Missouri question, although a portion of the American people have differed with Mr.

147 קמז

Clay, and a majority even, appear generally to have been opposed to him on questions of ordinary administration, he seems constantly to have been regarded by all, as the man for a crisis.

148 קמח

Accordingly, in the days of Nullification, and more recently in the re-appearance of the slavery question, connected with our territory newly acquired of Mexico, the task of devising a mode of adjustment, seems to have been cast upon Mr.

149 קמט

Clay, by common consent---and his performance of the task, in each case, was little else than a literal fulfilment of the public expectation.Mr.

150 קנ

Clay's efforts in behalf of the South Americans, and afterwards, in behalf of the Greeks, in the times of their respective struggles for civil liberty are among the finest on record, upon the noblest of all themes; and bear ample corroboration of what I have said was his ruling passion---a love of liberty and right, unselfishly, and for their own sakes.Having been led to allude to domestic slavery so frequently already, I am unwilling to close without referring more particularly to Mr.

151 קנא

Clay's views and conduct in regard to it.

152 קנב

He ever was, on principle and in feeling, opposed to slavery.

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The very earliest, and one of the latest public efforts of his life, separated by a period of more than fifty years, were both made in favor of gradual emancipation of the slaves in Kentucky.

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He did not perceive, that on a question of human right, the negroes were to be excepted from the human race.

155 קנה

And yet Mr.

156 קנו

Clay was the owner of slaves.

157 קנז

Cast into life where slavery was already widely spread and deeply seated, he did not perceive, as I think no wise man has perceived, how it could be at once eradicated, without producing a greater evil, even to the cause of human liberty itself.

158 קנח

His feeling and his judgment, therefore, ever led him to oppose both extremes of opinion on the subject.

159 קנט

Those who would shiver into fragments the Union of these States; tear to tatters its now venerated constitution; and even burn the last copy of the Bible, rather than slavery should continue a single hour, together with all their more halting sympathisers, have received, and are receiving their just execration; and the name, and opinions, and influence of Mr.

160 קס

Clay, are fully, and, as I trust, effectually and enduringly, arrayed against them.

161 קסא

But I would also, if I could, array his name, opinions, and influence against the opposite extreme---against a few, but an increasing number of men, who, for the sake of perpetuating slavery, are beginning to assail and to ridicule the white-man's charter of freedom---the declaration that ``all men are created free and equal.'' So far as I have learned, the first American, of any note, to do or attempt this, was the late John C.

162 קסב

Calhoun; and if I mistake not, it soon after found its way into some of the messages of the Governors of South Carolina.

163 קסג

We, however, look for, and are not much shocked by, political eccentricities and heresies in South Carolina.

164 קסד

But, only last year, I saw with astonishment, what purported to be a letter of a very distinguished and influential clergyman of Virginia, copied, with apparent approbation, into a St.

165 קסה

Louis newspaper, containing the following, to me, very extraordinary language---"I am fully aware that there is a text in some Bibles that is not in mine.

166 קסו

Professional abolitionists have made more use of it, than of any passage in the Bible.

167 קסז

It came, however, as I trace it, from Saint Voltaire, and was baptized by Thomas Jefferson, and since almost universally regarded as canonical authority ``All men are born free and equal.'"This is a genuine coin in the political currency of our generation.

168 קסח

I am sorry to say that I have never seen two men of whom it is true.

169 קסט

But I must admit I never saw the Siamese twins, and therefore will not dogmatically say that no man ever saw a proof of this sage aphorism.''This sounds strangely in republican America.

170 קע

The like was not heard in the fresher days of the Republic.

171 קעא

Let us contrast with it the language of that truly national man, whose life and death we now commemorate and lament.

172 קעב

I quote from a speech of Mr.

173 קעג

Clay delivered before the American Colonization Society in 1827."We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of this question.

174 קעד

The society goes into no household to disturb its domestic tranquility; it addresses itself to no slaves to weaken their obligations of obedience.

175 קעה

It seeks to affect no man's property.

176 קעו

It neither has the power nor the will to affect the property of any one contrary to his consent.

177 קעז

The execution of its scheme would augment instead of diminishing the value of the property left behind.

178 קעח

The society, composed of free men, concerns itself only with the free.

179 קעט

Collateral consequences we are not responsible for.

180 קפ

It is not this society which has produced the great moral revolution which the age exhibits.

181 קפא

What would they, who thus reproach us, have done? If they would repress all tendencies towards liberty, and ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of this society.

182 קפב

They must go back to the era of our liberty and independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return.

183 קפג

They must renew the slave trade with all its train of atrocities.

184 קפד

They must suppress the workings of British philanthropy, seeking to meliorate the condition of the unfortunate West Indian slave.

185 קפה

They must arrest the career of South American deliverance from thraldom.

186 קפו

They must blow out the moral lights around us, and extinguish that greatest torch of all which America presents to a benighted world---pointing the way to their rights, their liberties, and their happiness.

187 קפז

And when they have achieved all those purposes their work will be yet incomplete.

188 קפח

They must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the light of reason, and the love of liberty.

189 קפט

Then, and not till then, when universal darkness and despair prevail, can you perpetuate slavery, and repress all sympathy, and all humane, and benevolent efforts among free men, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race doomed to bondage.''The American Colonization Society was organized in 1816.

190 קצ

Mr.

191 קצא

Clay, though not its projector, was one of its earliest members; and he died, as for the many preceding years he had been, its President.

192 קצב

It was one of the most cherished objects of his direct care and consideration; and the association of his name with it has probably been its very greatest collateral support.

193 קצג

He considered it no demerit in the society, that it tended to relieve slave-holders from the troublesome presence of the free negroes; but this was far from being its whole merit in his estimation.

194 קצד

In the same speech from which I have quoted he says: ``There is a moral fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, whose ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and violence.

195 קצה

Transplanted in a foreign land, they will carry back to their native soil the rich fruits of religion, civilization, law and liberty.

196 קצו

May it not be one of the great designs of the Ruler of the universe, (whose ways are often inscrutable by short-sighted mortals,) thus to transform an original crime, into a signal blessing to that most unfortunate portion of the globe?'' This suggestion of the possible ultimate redemption of the African race and African continent, was made twenty-five years ago.

197 קצז

Every succeeding year has added strength to the hope of its realization.

198 קצח

May it indeed be realized! Pharaoh's country was cursed with plagues, and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea for striving to retain a captive people who had already served them more than four hundred years.

199 קצט

May like disasters never befall us! If as the friends of colonization hope, the present and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means, succeed in freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery; and, at the same time, in restoring a captive people to their long-lost father-land, with bright prospects for the future; and this too, so gradually, that neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it will indeed be a glorious consummation.

200 ר

And if, to such a consummation, the efforts of Mr.

201 רא

Clay shall have contributed, it will be what he most ardently wished, and none of his labors will have been more valuable to his country and his kind.But Henry Clay is dead.

202 רב

His long and eventful life is closed.

203 רג

Our country is prosperous and powerful; but could it have been quite all it has been, and is, and is to be, without Henry Clay? Such a man the times have demanded, and such, in the providence of God was given us.

204 רד

But he is gone.

205 רה

Let us strive to deserve, as far as mortals may, the continued care of Divine Providence, trusting that, in future national emergencies, He will not fail to provide us the instruments of safety and security. Honors To Henry ClayOn the fourth day of July, 1776, the people of a few feeble and oppressed colonies of Great Britain, inhabiting a portion of the Atlantic coast of North America, publicly declared their national independence, and made their appeal to the justice of their cause, and to the God of battles, for the maintainance of that declaration.

206 רו

That people were few in numbers, and without resources, save only their own wise heads and stout hearts.

207 רז

Within the first year of that declared independence, and while its maintainance was yet problematical—while the bloody struggle between those resolute rebels, and their haughty would-be-masters, was still waging, of undistinguished parents, and in an obscure district of one of those colonies, Henry Clay was born.

208 רח

The infant nation, and the infant child began the race of life together.

209 רט

For three quarters of a century they have travelled hand in hand.

210 רי

They have been companions ever.

211 ריא

The nation has passed its perils, and is free, prosperous, and powerful.

212 ריב

The child has reached his manhood, his middle age, his old age, and is dead.

213 ריג

In all that has concerned the nation the man ever sympathised; and now the nation mourns for the man.The day after his death, one of the public Journals, opposed to him politically, held the following pathetic and beautiful language, which I adopt, partly because such high and exclusive eulogy, originating with a political friend, might offend good taste, but chiefly, because I could not, in any language of my own, so well express my thoughts—"Alas! who can realize that Henry Clay is dead! Who can realize that never again that majestic form shall rise in the council-chambers of his country to beat back the storms of anarchy which may threaten, or pour the oil of peace upon the troubled billows as they rage and menace around? Who can realize, that the workings of that mighty mind have ceased—that the throbbings of that gallant heart are stilled—that the mighty sweep of that graceful arm will be felt no more, and the magic of that eloquent tongue, which spake as spake no other tongue besides, hushed—hushed forever! Who can realize that freedom's champion—the champion of a civilized world, and of all tongues and kindreds and people, has indeed fallen! Alas, in those dark hours, which, as they come in the history of all nations, must come in ours—those hours of peril and dread which our land has experienced, and which she may be called to experience again—to whom now may her people look up for that council and advice, which only wisdom and experience and patriotism can give, and which only the undoubting confidence of a nation will receive? Perchance, in the whole circle of the great and gifted of our land, there remains but one on whose shoulders the mighty mantle of the departed statesman may fall—one, while we now write, is doubtless pouring his tears over the bier of his brother and his friend—brother, friend ever, yet in political sentiment, as far apart as party could make them.

214 ריד

Ah, it is at times like these, that the petty distinctions of mere party disappear.

215 רטו

We see only the great, the grand, the noble features of the departed statesman; and we do not even beg permission to bow at his feet and mingle our tears with those who have ever been his political adherents—we do [not?] beg this permission—we claim it as a right, though we feel it as a privilege.

216 רטז

Henry Clay belonged to his country—to the world, mere party cannot claim men like him.

217 ריז

His career has been national—his fame has filled the earth—his memory will endure to `the last syllable of recorded time.'"Henry Clay is dead!—He breathed his last on yesterday at twenty minutes after eleven, in his chamber at Washington.

218 ריח

To those who followed his lead in public affairs, it more appropriately belongs to pronounce his eulogy, and pay specific honors to the memory of the illustrious dead—but all Americans may show the grief which his death inspires, for, his character and fame are national property.

219 ריט

As on a question of liberty, he knew no North, no South, no East, no West, but only the Union, which held them all in its sacred circle, so now his countrymen will know no grief, that is not as wide-spread as the bounds of the confederacy.

220 רכ

The career of Henry Clay was a public career.

221 רכא

From his youth he has been devoted to the public service, at a period too, in the world's history justly regarded as a remarkable era in human affairs.

222 רכב

He witnessed in the beginning the throes of the French Revolution.

223 רכג

He saw the rise and fall of Napoleon.

224 רכד

He was called upon to legislate for America, and direct her policy when all Europe was the battle-field of contending dynasties, and when the struggle for supremacy imperilled the rights of all neutral nations.

225 רכה

His voice, spoke war and peace in the contest with Great Britain."When Greece rose against the Turks and struck for liberty, his name was mingled with the battle-cry of freedom.

226 רכו

When South America threw off the thraldom of Spain, his speeches were read at the head of her armies by Bolivar.

227 רכז

His name has been, and will continue to be, hallowed in two hemispheres, for it is—`One of the few the immortal namesThat were not born to die,'"To the ardent patriot and profound statesman, he added a quality possessed by few of the gifted on earth.

228 רכח

His eloquence has not been surpassed.

229 רכט

In the effective power to move the heart of man, Clay was without an equal, and the heaven born endowment, in the spirit of its origin, has been most conspicuously exhibited against intestine feud.

230 רל

On at least three important occasions, he has quelled our civil commotions, by a power and influence, which belonged to no other statesman of his age and times.

231 רלא

And in our last internal discord, when this Union trembled to its center—in old age, he left the shades of private life and gave the death blow to fraternal strife, with the vigor of his earlier years in a series of Senatorial efforts, which in themselves would bring immortality, by challenging comparison with the efforts of any statesman in any age.

232 רלב

He exorcised the demon which possessed the body politic, and gave peace to a distracted land.

233 רלג

Alas! the achievement cost him his life! He sank day by day to the tomb—his pale, but noble brow, bound with a triple wreath, put there by a grateful country.

234 רלד

May his ashes rest in peace, while his spirit goes to take its station among the great and good men who preceded him!"While it is customary, and proper, upon occasions like the present, to give a brief sketch of the life of the deceased; in the case of Mr.

235 רלה

Clay, it is less necessary than most others; for his biography has been written and re-written, and read, and re-read, for the last twenty-five years; so that, with the exception of a few of the latest incidents of his life, all is as well known, as it can be.

236 רלו

The short sketch which I give is, therefore merely to maintain the connection of this discourse.Henry Clay was born on the 12th of April 1777, in Hanover county, Virginia.

237 רלז

Of his father, who died in the fourth or fifth year of Henry's age, little seems to be known, except that he was a respectable man, and a preacher of the baptist persuasion.

238 רלח

Mr.

239 רלט

Clay's education, to the end of his life, was comparatively limited.

240 רמ

I say "to the end of his life," because I have understood that, from time to time, he added something to his education during the greater part of his whole life.

241 רמא

Mr.

242 רמב

Clay's lack of a more perfect early education, however it may be regretted generally, teaches at least one profitable lesson; it teaches that in this country, one can scarcely be so poor, but that, if he will, he can acquire sufficient education to get through the world respectably.

243 רמג

In his twenty-third year Mr.

244 רמד

Clay was licenced to practice law, and emigrated to Lexington, Kentucky.

245 רמה

Here he commenced and continued the practice till the year 1803, when he was first elected to the Kentucky Legislature.

246 רמו

By successive elections he was continued in the Legislature till the latter part of 1806, when he was elected to fill a vacancy, of a single session, in the United States Senate.

247 רמז

In 1807 he was again elected to the Kentucky House of Representatives, and by that body, chosen its speaker.

248 רמח

In 1808 he was re-elected to the same body.

249 רמט

In 1809 he was again chosen to fill a vacancy of two years in the United States Senate.

250 רנ

In 1811 he was elected to the United States House of Representatives, and on the first day of taking his seat in that body, he was chosen its speaker.

251 רנא

In 1813 he was again elected Speaker.

252 רנב

Early in 1814, being the period of our last British war, Mr.

253 רנג

Clay was sent as commissioner, with others, to negotiate a treaty of peace, which treaty was concluded in the latter part of the same year.

254 רנד

On his return from Europe he was again elected to the lower branch of Congress, and on taking his seat in December 1815 was called to his old post---the speaker's chair, a position in which he was retained, by successive elections, with one brief intermission, till the inauguration of John Q.

255 רנה

Adams in March 1825.

256 רנו

He was then appointed Secretary of State, and occupied that important station till the inauguration of Gen.

257 רנז

Jackson in March 1829.

258 רנח

After this he returned to Kentucky, resumed the practice of the law, and continued it till the Autumn of 1831, when he was by the Legislature of Kentucky, again placed in the United States Senate.

259 רנט

By a re-election he was continued in the Senate till he resigned his seat, and retired, in March 1842.

260 רס

In December 1849 he again took his seat in the Senate, which he again resigned only a few months before his death.By the foregoing it is perceived that the period from the beginning of Mr.

261 רסא

Clay's official life, in 1803, to the end of it in 1852, is but one year short of half a century; and that the sum of all the intervals in it, will not amount to ten years.

262 רסב

But mere duration of time in office, constitutes the smallest part of Mr.

263 רסג

Clay's history.

264 רסד

Throughout that long period, he has constantly been the most loved, and most implicitly followed by friends, and the most dreaded by opponents, of all living American politicians.

265 רסה

In all the great questions which have agitated the country, and particularly in those great and fearful crises, the Missouri question—the Nullification question, and the late slavery question, as connected with the newly acquired territory, involving and endangering the stability of the Union, his has been the leading and most conspicuous part.

266 רסו

In 1824 he was first a candidate for the Presidency, and was defeated; and, although he was successively defeated for the same office in 1832, and in 1844, there has never been a moment since 1824 till after 1848 when a very large portion of the American people did not cling to him with an enthusiastic hope and purpose of still elevating him to the Presidency.

267 רסז

With other men, to be defeated, was to be forgotten; but to him, defeat was but a trifling incident, neither changing him, or the world's estimate of him.

268 רסח

Even those of both political parties, who have been preferred to him for the highest office, have run far briefer courses than he, and left him, still shining, high in the heavens of the political world.

269 רסט

Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Polk, and Taylor, all rose after, and set long before him.

270 רע

The spell—the long enduring spell—with which the souls of men were bound to him, is a miracle.

271 רעא

Who can compass it? It is probably true he owed his pre-eminence to no one quality, but to a fortunate combination of several.

272 רעב

He was surpassingly eloquent; but many eloquent men fail utterly; and they are not, as a class, generally successful.

273 רעג

His judgment was excellent; but many men of good judgment, live and die unnoticed.

274 רעד

His will was indomitable; but this quality often secures to its owner nothing better than a character for useless obstinacy.

275 רעה

These then were Mr.

276 רעו

Clay's leading qualities.

277 רעז

No one of them is very uncommon; but all taken together are rarely combined in a single individual; and this is probably the reason why such men as Henry Clay are so rare in the world.Mr.

278 רעח

Clay's eloquence did not consist, as many fine specimens of eloquence does, of types and figures—of antithesis, and elegant arrangement of words and sentences; but rather of that deeply earnest and impassioned tone, and manner, which can proceed only from great sincerity and a thorough conviction, in the speaker of the justice and importance of his cause.

279 רעט

This it is, that truly touches the chords of human sympathy; and those who heard Mr.

280 רפ

Clay, never failed to be moved by it, or ever afterwards, forgot the impression.

281 רפא

All his efforts were made for practical effect.

282 רפב

He never spoke merely to be heard.

283 רפג

He never delivered a Fourth of July Oration, or an eulogy on an occasion like this.

284 רפד

As a politician or statesman, no one was so habitually careful to avoid all sectional ground.

285 רפה

Whatever he did, he did for the whole country.

286 רפו

In the construction of his measures he ever carefully surveyed every part of the field, and duly weighed every conflicting interest.

287 רפז

Feeling, as he did, and as the truth surely is, that the world's best hope depended on the continued Union of these States, he was ever jealous of, and watchful for, whatever might have the slightest tendency to separate them.Mr.

288 רפח

Clay's predominant sentiment, from first to last, was a deep devotion to the cause of human liberty—a strong sympathy with the oppressed every where, and an ardent wish for their elevation.

289 רפט

With him, this was a primary and all controlling passion.

290 רצ

Subsidiary to this was the conduct of his whole life.

291 רצא

He loved his country partly because it was his own country, but mostly because it was a free country; and he burned with a zeal for its advancement, prosperity and glory, because he saw in such, the advancement, prosperity and glory, of human liberty, human right and human nature.

292 רצב

He desired the prosperity of his countrymen partly because they were his countrymen, but chiefly to show to the world that freemen could be prosperous.That his views and measures were always the wisest, needs not to be affirmed; nor should it be, on this occasion, where so many, thinking differently, join in doing honor to his memory.

293 רצג

A free people, in times of peace and quiet---when pressed by no common danger—naturally divide into parties.

294 רצד

At such times, the man who is of neither party, is not—cannot be, of any consequence.

295 רצה

Mr.

296 רצו

Clay, therefore, was of a party.

297 רצז

Taking a prominent part, as he did, in all the great political questions of his country for the last half century, the wisdom of his course on many, is doubted and denied by a large portion of his countrymen; and of such it is not now proper to speak particularly.

298 רצח

But there are many others, about his course upon which, there is little or no disagreement amongst intelligent and patriotic Americans.

299 רצט

Of these last are the War of 1812, the Missouri question, Nullification, and the now recent compromise measures.

300 ש

In 1812 Mr.

301 שא

Clay, though not unknown, was still a young man.

302 שב

Whether we should go to war with Great Britain, being the question of the day, a minority opposed the declaration of war by Congress, while the majority, though apparently inclining to war, had, for years, wavered, and hesitated to act decisively.

303 שג

Meanwhile British aggressions multiplied, and grew more daring and aggravated.

304 שד

By Mr.

305 שה

Clay, more than any other man, the struggle was brought to a decision in Congress.

306 שו

The question, being now fully before congress, came up, in a variety of ways, in rapid succession, on most of which occasions Mr.

307 שז

Clay spoke.

308 שח

Adding to all the logic, of which the subject was susceptible, that noble inspiration, which came to him as it came to no other, he aroused, and nerved, and inspired his friends, and confounded and bore-down all opposition.

309 שט

Several of his speeches, on these occasions, were reported, and are still extant; but the best of these all never was.

310 שי

During its delivery the reporters forgot their vocations, dropped their pens, and sat enchanted from near the beginning to quite the close.

311 שיא

The speech now lives only in the memory of a few old men; and the enthusiasm with which they cherish their recollection of it is absolutely astonishing.

312 שיב

The precise language of this speech we shall never know; but we do know—we cannot help knowing, that, with deep pathos, it pleaded the cause of the injured sailor—that it invoked the genius of the revolution---that it apostrophised the names of Otis, of Henry and of Washington—that it appealed to the interest, the pride, the honor and the glory of the nation—that it shamed and taunted the timidity of friends—that it scorned, and scouted, and withered the temerity of domestic foes—that it bearded and defied the British Lion—and rising, and swelling, and maddening in its course, it sounded the onset, till the charge, the shock, the steady struggle, and the glorious victory, all passed in vivid review before the entranced hearers.Important and exciting as was the War question, of 1812, it never so alarmed the sagacious statesmen of the country for the safety of the republic, as afterwards did the Missouri question.

313 שיג

This sprang from that unfortunate source of discord—negro slavery.

314 שיד

When our Federal Constitution was adopted, we owned no territory beyond the limits or ownership of the states, except the territory North-West of the River Ohio, and East of the Mississippi.

315 שטו

What has since been formed into the States of Maine, Kentucky, and Tennessee, was, I believe, within the limits of or owned by Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina.

316 שטז

As to the North Western Territory, provision had been made, even before the adoption of the Constitution, that slavery should never go there.

317 שיז

On the admission of the States into the Union carved from the territory we owned before the constitution, no question—or at most, no considerable question—arose about slavery—those which were within the limits of or owned by the old states, following, respectively, the condition of the parent state, and those within the North West territory, following the previously made provision.

318 שיח

But in 1803 we purchased Louisiana of the French; and it included with much more, what has since been formed into the State of Missouri.

319 שיט

With regard to it, nothing had been done to forestall the question of slavery.

320 שכ

When, therefore, in 1819, Missouri, having formed a State constitution, without excluding slavery, and with slavery already actually existing within its limits, knocked at the door of the Union for admission, almost the entire representation of the non-slave-holding states, objected.

321 שכא

A fearful and angry struggle instantly followed.

322 שכב

This alarmed thinking men, more than any previous question, because, unlike all the former, it divided the country by geographical lines.

323 שכג

Other questions had their opposing partizans in all localities of the country and in almost every family; so that no division of the Union could follow such, without a separation of friends, to quite as great an extent, as that of opponents.

324 שכד

Not so with the Missouri question.

325 שכה

On this a geographical line could be traced which, in the main, would separate opponents only.

326 שכו

This was the danger.

327 שכז

Mr.

328 שכח

Jefferson, then in retirement wrote:"I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers, or to pay any attention to public affairs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not distant.

329 שכט

But this momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened, and filled me with terror.

330 של

I considered it at once as the knell of the Union.

331 שלא

It is hushed, indeed, for the moment.

332 שלב

But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence.

333 שלג

A geographical line, co-inciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived, and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every irritation will mark it deeper and deeper.

334 שלד

I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any practicable way.

335 שלה

The cession of that kind of property, for so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought, if, in that way, a general emancipation, and expatriation could be effected; and, gradually, and with due sacrifices I think it might be.

336 שלו

But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go.

337 שלז

Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other."Mr.

338 שלח

Clay was in congress, and, perceiving the danger, at once engaged his whole energies to avert it.

339 שלט

It began, as I have said, in 1819; and it did not terminate till 1821.

340 שמ

Missouri would not yield the point; and congress—that is, a majority in congress—by repeated votes, showed a determination to not admit the state unless it should yield.

341 שמא

After several failures, and great labor on the part of Mr.

342 שמב

Clay to so present the question that a majority could consent to the admission, it was, by a vote, rejected, and as all seemed to think, finally.

343 שמג

A sullen gloom hung over the nation.

344 שמד

All felt that the rejection of Missouri, was equivalent to a dissolution of the Union: because those states which already had, what Missouri was rejected for refusing to relinquish, would go with Missouri.

345 שמה

All deprecated and deplored this, but none saw how to avert it.

346 שמו

For the judgment of Members to be convinced of the necessity of yielding, was not the whole difficulty; each had a constituency to meet, and to answer to.

347 שמז

Mr.

348 שמח

Clay, though worn down, and exhausted, was appealed to by members, to renew his efforts at compromise.

349 שמט

He did so, and by some judicious modifications of his plan, coupled with laborious efforts with individual members, and his own over-mastering eloquence upon the floor, he finally secured the admission of the State.

350 שנ

Brightly, and captivating as it had previously shown, it was now perceived that his great eloquence, was a mere embellishment, or, at most, but a helping hand to his inventive genius, and his devotion to his country in the day of her extreme peril.After the settlement of the Missouri question, although a portion of the American people have differed with Mr.

351 שנא

Clay, and a majority even, appear generally to have been opposed to him on questions of ordinary administration, he seems constantly to have been regarded by all, as the man for a crisis.

352 שנב

Accordingly, in the days of Nullification, and more recently in the re-appearance of the slavery question, connected with our territory newly acquired of Mexico, the task of devising a mode of adjustment, seems to have been cast upon Mr.

353 שנג

Clay, by common consent—and his performance of the task, in each case, was little else than a literal fulfilment of the public expectation.Mr.

354 שנד

Clay's efforts in behalf of the South Americans, and afterwards, in behalf of the Greeks, in the times of their respective struggles for civil liberty are among the finest on record, upon the noblest of all themes; and bear ample corroboration of what I have said was his ruling passion—a love of liberty and right, unselfishly, and for their own sakes.Having been led to allude to domestic slavery so frequently already, I am unwilling to close without referring more particularly to Mr.

355 שנה

Clay's views and conduct in regard to it.

356 שנו

He ever was, on principle and in feeling, opposed to slavery.

357 שנז

The very earliest, and one of the latest public efforts of his life, separated by a period of more than fifty years, were both made in favor of gradual emancipation of the slaves in Kentucky.

358 שנח

He did not perceive, that on a question of human right, the negroes were to be excepted from the human race.

359 שנט

And yet Mr.

360 שס

Clay was the owner of slaves.

361 שסא

Cast into life where slavery was already widely spread and deeply seated, he did not perceive, as I think no wise man has perceived, how it could be at once eradicated, without producing a greater evil, even to the cause of human liberty itself.

362 שסב

His feeling and his judgment, therefore, ever led him to oppose both extremes of opinion on the subject.

363 שסג

Those who would shiver into fragments the Union of these States; tear to tatters its now venerated constitution; and even burn the last copy of the Bible, rather than slavery should continue a single hour, together with all their more halting sympathisers, have received, and are receiving their just execration; and the name, and opinions, and influence of Mr.

364 שסד

Clay, are fully, and, as I trust, effectually and enduringly, arrayed against them.

365 שסה

But I would also, if I could, array his name, opinions, and influence against the opposite extreme—against a few, but an increasing number of men, who, for the sake of perpetuating slavery, are beginning to assail and to ridicule the white-man's charter of freedom—the declaration that "all men are created free and equal." So far as I have learned, the first American, of any note, to do or attempt this, was the late John C.

366 שסו

Calhoun; and if I mistake not, it soon after found its way into some of the messages of the Governors of South Carolina.

367 שסז

We, however, look for, and are not much shocked by, political eccentricities and heresies in South Carolina.

368 שסח

But, only last year, I saw with astonishment, what purported to be a letter of a very distinguished and influential clergyman of Virginia, copied, with apparent approbation, into a St.

369 שסט

Louis newspaper, containing the following, to me, very extraordinary language—"I am fully aware that there is a text in some Bibles that is not in mine.

370 שע

Professional abolitionists have made more use of it, than of any passage in the Bible.

371 שעא

It came, however, as I trace it, from Saint Voltaire, and was baptized by Thomas Jefferson, and since almost universally regarded as canonical authority "All men are born free and equal.'"This is a genuine coin in the political currency of our generation.

372 שעב

I am sorry to say that I have never seen two men of whom it is true.

373 שעג

But I must admit I never saw the Siamese twins, and therefore will not dogmatically say that no man ever saw a proof of this sage aphorism."This sounds strangely in republican America.

374 שעד

The like was not heard in the fresher days of the Republic.

375 שעה

Let us contrast with it the language of that truly national man, whose life and death we now commemorate and lament.

376 שעו

I quote from a speech of Mr.

377 שעז

Clay delivered before the American Colonization Society in 1827."We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of this question.

378 שעח

The society goes into no household to disturb its domestic tranquility; it addresses itself to no slaves to weaken their obligations of obedience.

379 שעט

It seeks to affect no man's property.

380 שפ

It neither has the power nor the will to affect the property of any one contrary to his consent.

381 שפא

The execution of its scheme would augment instead of diminishing the value of the property left behind.

382 שפב

The society, composed of free men, concerns itself only with the free.

383 שפג

Collateral consequences we are not responsible for.

384 שפד

It is not this society which has produced the great moral revolution which the age exhibits.

385 שפה

What would they, who thus reproach us, have done? If they would repress all tendencies towards liberty, and ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of this society.

386 שפו

They must go back to the era of our liberty and independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return.

387 שפז

They must renew the slave trade with all its train of atrocities.

388 שפח

They must suppress the workings of British philanthropy, seeking to meliorate the condition of the unfortunate West Indian slave.

389 שפט

They must arrest the career of South American deliverance from thraldom.

390 שצ

They must blow out the moral lights around us, and extinguish that greatest torch of all which America presents to a benighted world—pointing the way to their rights, their liberties, and their happiness.

391 שצא

And when they have achieved all those purposes their work will be yet incomplete.

392 שצב

They must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the light of reason, and the love of liberty.

393 שצג

Then, and not till then, when universal darkness and despair prevail, can you perpetuate slavery, and repress all sympathy, and all humane, and benevolent efforts among free men, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race doomed to bondage."The American Colonization Society was organized in 1816.

394 שצד

Mr.

395 שצה

Clay, though not its projector, was one of its earliest members; and he died, as for the many preceding years he had been, its President.

396 שצו

It was one of the most cherished objects of his direct care and consideration; and the association of his name with it has probably been its very greatest collateral support.

397 שצז

He considered it no demerit in the society, that it tended to relieve slave-holders from the troublesome presence of the free negroes; but this was far from being its whole merit in his estimation.

398 שצח

In the same speech from which I have quoted he says: "There is a moral fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, whose ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and violence.

399 שצט

Transplanted in a foreign land, they will carry back to their native soil the rich fruits of religion, civilization, law and liberty.

400 ת

May it not be one of the great designs of the Ruler of the universe, (whose ways are often inscrutable by short-sighted mortals,) thus to transform an original crime, into a signal blessing to that most unfortunate portion of the globe?" This suggestion of the possible ultimate redemption of the African race and African continent, was made twenty-five years ago.

401 תא

Every succeeding year has added strength to the hope of its realization.

402 תב

May it indeed be realized! Pharaoh's country was cursed with plagues, and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea for striving to retain a captive people who had already served them more than four hundred years.

403 תג

May like disasters never befall us! If as the friends of colonization hope, the present and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means, succeed in freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery; and, at the same time, in restoring a captive people to their long-lost father-land, with bright prospects for the future; and this too, so gradually, that neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it will indeed be a glorious consummation.

404 תד

And if, to such a consummation, the efforts of Mr.

405 תה

Clay shall have contributed, it will be what he most ardently wished, and none of his labors will have been more valuable to his country and his kind.But Henry Clay is dead.

406 תו

His long and eventful life is closed.

407 תז

Our country is prosperous and powerful; but could it have been quite all it has been, and is, and is to be, without Henry Clay? Such a man the times have demanded, and such, in the providence of God was given us.

408 תח

But he is gone.

409 תט

Let us strive to deserve, as far as mortals may, the continued care of Divine Providence, trusting that, in future national emergencies, He will not fail to provide us the instruments of safety and security..